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Nor did
the process begin with the steam engine.
The Congress under the Articles of
Confederation, dismissed by so many historians as a do-nothing debating
society, launched the first improvement in mail service in 1785, by
directing
the Postmaster General (the head of the Post Office) to deliver the
mail via stagecoach instead of on
horseback. The
Postmaster General
resisted, launching a four-year battle which Congress ultimately won.
The
Confederation Congress, it must be emphasized, did not
create the United States Post Office.
American
revolutionaries did so spontaneously at the outset of the Revolutionary
War in
1775, bypassing the expensive and insecure British colonial post. By the time the Articles
were drafted
(1776) and ratified
(1781), postal riders on horseback connected American-run post offices
in all
thirteen
states.
The
Articles of Confederation granted Congress limited and often vague
powers,
but were explicit in conferring authority over the Post Office. “The United States, in
Congress assembled,”
read Article IX, “shall also have the sole and exclusive right and
power of . .
. establishing and regulating post offices from one State to another
throughout
all the United States, and exacting such postage on the papers passing
through
the same as may be requisite to defray the expenses of the said office.”
Thus it
was that on June 30, 1785, Congress directed
Postmaster General Ebenezer Hazard (whom Congress had elected in 1782)
to “make enquiry, and report the
best terms
upon which contracts may be entered into, for the transportation of the
several
Mails, in the stage carriages on the different roads, where such stage
carriages may be established."

The "stage carriages on the different roads", in this era, were very
much a novelty. Only
a handful
of stage lines had operated in colonial times, and they had shut down
during
the war. Intercity
travel meant either a
river and ocean voyage, or a ride upon your own horse—daunting options
for the
young, the infirm, or the old.
With the
coming of peace, however, stage lines resumed and
even expanded service, especially in the Northeast.
The stagecoaches of the 1780’s were slow and
uncomfortable by later standards, but they were drier and safer than
riding
your own horse, and one could carry at least a little bit of luggage. Why not mail as well? The coaches were slower
than a solo horseback
rider, but they had more capacity and were less vulnerable to robbery.
Hazard
made the appropriate inquiries, but sent a
discouraging reply to Congress in July 1785.
The demands of the stagecoach operators for fees
were “exorbitant”, the
mail would not be carried “more expeditiously than at present”, and the
preference of stagecoaches for evening arrival would be “extremely
inconvenient”. And
what about the post
riders who would be thrown out of work?
Congress
would have none of it. On
September 7, Congress directed Hazard to
sign contracts for stage mail carriage from New Hampshire all the way
to
Georgia, even in Southern regions where service would need to be
established
from scratch. Charles
Pinckney of South
Carolina later explained why—“(T)he intention of Congress in having the
mail
transported by stage carriages, was not only to render their conveyance
more
certain and secure, but by encouraging the establishment of stages to
make the
intercourse between the different parts of the Union less difficult and
expensive than formerly.” The
Post
Office, not for the last time, would subsidize improvement in American
transportation.
In 1786,
Hazard and Congress played the same game.
Hazard complained that stagecoaches were expensive and unreliable,
and Congress told
him to use them anyway. And
indeed, the
switch to coaches had had one happy consequence.
Stagecoaches, with their greater capacity,
were more willing than post riders to carry newspapers along with the
mail—even
for free. News
circulated in the early
republic when newspapers were physically carried from one city to
another, and
the increase in circulation was a boon to an increasingly active press
and a
politically aware public.
Finally,
in 1787, Hazard got his way. He
complained again that the demands of the
stagecoach operators were “now to be still more encreased”, and
Congress
finally, by voice vote (October 15), allowed him to use either stage
carriages
or horses “as he may judge most expedient and beneficial”. Hazard promptly restored
post riders on the
mail route between Boston and New York.
He then
discovered the meaning of making “intercourse
between the different parts of the Union less difficult and expensive”. The primary stage operator
between Boston and
New York, unable to make a profit without the mail subsidy, suspended
service. And the
post riders, with nought but their
saddle bags, could not and would not carry newspapers for free.
Stagecoach
operators, passengers, and newspaper editors all
erupted with fury. The
debate over the
Constitution of the United States (COTUS), playing out at twelve
separate ratification conventions, was at
its
height. “What is
the meaning of the new
arrangement at the Post-Office which abridges the circulation of
newspapers at
this momentous crisis?”, one editor wrote.
Even George Washington chimed in from Mount Vernon:
“It is extremely to
be lamented, that a new arrangement in the Post Office, unfavorable to
the
circulation of intelligence, should have taken place at the instant
when the
momentous question of a general government was to come before the
people.”
After
the COTUS was ratified, the new Congress returned the
mail to stagecoaches, and President Washington dismissed Hazard as
Postmaster
General. Congress
under the COTUS
continued to use postal subsidies as a stimulus to new forms of
transportation,
following and widening the trail that the Confederation Congress had
blazed.
Sources:
Oliver W. Holmes, Shall Stagecoaches Carry
the Mail? – A Debate of the Confederation
Period, William and Mary Quarterly, October, 1963; Oliver W.
Holmes and
Peter T. Rohrbach, Stagecoach East: Stagecoach Days in the East from
the Colonial Period
to the Civil War, 1983; Journals of
the Continental Congress, Volumes 29 and 33.
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Mary Katherine Goddard, Postmaster

Women did not vote in any state
under the
Articles of Confederation. (Women
voted in New
Jersey just a few years later, from 1797 through 1807.)
Nor did women hold elective office, although
nothing in the Articles explicitly forbade it.
Women did hold
appointive
office, however, and one such, Mary Katherine Goddard, served as the
first
woman postmaster in the United States.
Her service, and her dismissal, tells us a great
deal about the early
American Post Office.
Mary Katherine Goddard was born, probably in Rhode Island,
in 1738. Her mother
Sarah gave Mary and
her brother William a classical education in Latin, French, and
literature. The two
siblings moved to
Philadelphia and then to Baltimore, where they founded newspapers. While in Philadelphia,
William worked closely
with Benjamin Franklin, a printer and fellow publisher.
In 1775
the Continental Congress named Franklin as the first
Postmaster General. He
hired William
Goddard as “Riding Surveyor”, to superintend the expansion of post
offices and
post roads. Mary
remained in Baltimore
and took over sole proprietorship of the Maryland
Journal. Franklin
also named Mary as
postmaster of Baltimore. Editors
and
publishers often doubled as postmasters in the Early Republic. There was a natural
synergy between the positions, as postmasters were usually the
first to receive newspapers
from
other cities and, as publishers, would edit and republish their
contents.
In 1776,
Congress declared independence. Publishers
throughout the colonies published
the Declaration of Independence, but without the names of the signers,
who were
of course committing treason against the Crown.
In January 1777, Mary Katherine Goddard was the
first editor to publish
the Declaration in full including the
names of the signatories.
Mary’s
early years as postmaster were not lucrative.
The postal service was critical to the
success of the revolution, but paying customers were few and hard money
was
scarce. Goddard
later complained that
she frequently had to pay post riders out of her own funds, or
service would
have ceased. Also,
she later noted, the
“Emoluments (of the office) were by no means equal to the then high
Rent of an
Office, or to the Attention required both to receive & forward
the Mails.”
William
Goddard returned to Baltimore, and in 1784 he forced
Mary to yield control over the Maryland
Journal. The
relationship between
brother and sister deteriorated, and Mary sued William at least five
times.
Mary
remained, however, as postmaster through the remainder
of the Confederation period. The
finances of the Post Office improved under the Confederation, and she
no longer
complained about spending her own money.
She expanded her business to include a book shop and
book bindery, and
(like Ben Franklin) published an almanac.
In 1789,
George Washington became President.
He dismissed Postmaster General Ebenezer
Hazard (see left), and appointed Samuel Osgood in his place. Osgood in turn dismissed
Mary Katharine
Goddard, and replaced her with a political ally, John White.
Osgood
gave no reason for the dismissal, although his local
representative in Baltimore opined that, due to Post Office
reorganization, the
position would now require “more travel than a woman could undertake”. The real reason was most
likely that, with an
elected President under the COTUS, postmasterships had become prizes in
building up a patronage machine.
Neither
the citizens of Baltimore, nor Goddard herself, took
her dismissal lightly. More
than 200
persons, including the Governor of Maryland, sent a petition to Osgood
asking
for her reinstatement. Goddard
herself wrote
to President Washington. Since
she had
“established & continued the Office, at the gloomy Period when
it was worth
no Person’s Acceptance,” she wrote, she “ought surely to be thought
worthy of
it, when it became more valuable.”
All was
in vain. Washington
and Osgood would not budge. Mary
Katherine Goddard returned to her book selling business. She retired in 1809 and
died in 1816. She
never married. At
her death, she willed her property to and
freed her last remaining enslaved servant, Belinda Starling.
Sources:
“To George Washington from Mary Katherine Goddard,
23 December 1789,” Founders Online,
National
Archives; Maryland State Archives, Biographical
Series, 2006; National Women’s History Museum web site,
www.nwhm.org,
accessed 2017
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